It’s Not About Waqf

medium120040920Last week, the Waqf Amendment Bill 2025 was passed after two marathon days of debate in both houses of Parliament. There are now protests by some Muslim organisations in different parts of the country. Most opposition parties are backing these protests, and some opposition MPs have already petitioned the Supreme Court against the Bill. It is possible that these protests will fade out, but it is equally possible that they will linger on like the protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act.Protesters say this legislation is unconstitutional since it tinkers with the rights guaranteed under Article 26 of the Constitution, which gives any religious group or denomination the right to “establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes; to manage its own affairs in matters of religion; to own and acquire movable and immovable property; and to administer such property in accordance with law.” GOI justification for making changes to the existing Waqf Act is that waqf boards work non-transparently, which has led to many legal tangles, especially since boards could claim almost any property as waqf land. Religious and other properties belonging to non-Muslims were also at stake. Plus the Bill had support from segments of the Catholic community too. A press release posted by the minority affairs ministry says: “While Waqf properties serve religious and charitable purposes, their management involves legal, financial, and administrative responsibilities that require structured governance. The role of waqf boards and Central Waqf Council (CWC) is not religious but regulatory, ensuring legal compliance and safeguarding public interest. By introducing checks and balances, empowering stakeholders, and improving governance, the Bill sets a progressive and fair framework for waqf administration in India.”But the real issue is not the Bill at all. It is the near-complete breakdown of trust between GOI and India’s second-largest religious community. Question is, how is it possible for any govt to govern and maintain social harmony when this trust breaks down?Remember CAA was not about Muslims in India either, but managed to rile them anyway. Today, whether or not the Waqf Bill improves the governance of waqf boards and CWC, large sections of Muslims are convinced that govt is out to get them. And no token gesture, like the Saugat-e-Modi kits given to minorities for Eid, is going to end this mistrust.This mistrust is being fanned by opposition parties, which want to reap a block vote from the minorities in future elections. But this is no different from saying that BJP wants block votes from Hindus. If there is mistrust, it must be addressed. Tokenism is not going to change anything.The untrusting state of affairs cannot be ended without moves towards a broader dialogue with Muslims (and Christians). But one must note that the underlying mistrust is between Hindus and minorities. GOI alone cannot end it, even though it is widely presumed that it is batting only for Hindu interests. Consider the petitions asking for the release of Hindu temples from state control, especially in the south, which the Supreme Court sat on for more than a decade, and then lobbed back to high courts — Modi govt’s lawyer backed the idea. But perceptions cannot be changed that easily.For starters, GOI should open a dialogue with organisations protesting the Waqf Bill. It can promise to incorporate any genuine demand that does not impact other communities or allows a waqf to relapse into misgovernance. But what must follow is a broader dialogue between Hindu and Muslim organisations, where each community lays out its grievances and red lines more clearly. Agreements can be reached on the basis of give and take. Issues can range from cow protection to control of lynch mobs, recognition of Islamic iconoclasm, namaz on the streets, and the ethical limits to religious conversion activities. It is pointless to believe that law alone is enough to deal with a breakdown of trust when so many issues remain unresolved and the wounds of partition remain unhealed.There is also a need for Muslims to introspect about why the community is so resistant to reform. Why does a community of more than 200mn — the third largest in the world — see itself as a victim in any and every situation. Additionally, Muslims in India cannot presume that only what happens to minorities in India matters; their support for minorities in two neighbouring countries also matters. Many Hindus did not appreciate Muslim opposition to CAA. The Nehru-Liaquat pact was indirectly about ensuring this cross-country support to minorities. How can pluralism be protected in India, if the same cannot be protected in Pakistan, Bangladesh or even Kashmir Valley? More importantly, if demography is changing in many states (Assam, Kerala, parts of Bengal and UP), it is the emerging Muslim majority in these regions that needs to reassure Hindus and other minorities about safety and security. In India, majorities are legally decided state-wise. But the average district in India has over 2mn population, and the largest district had a population of more than 11mn — Thane, now bifurcated, in 2011. Legal determination of majority and minority becomes irrelevant in areas where all communities feel unsafe.The issue, to repeat, is not the Waqf Bill. It is the growing mistrust between two communities. And the process of healing this rift must begin with GOI taking the initiative. Ultimately, the two communities concerned must work out a way to live in amity on the basis of compromise and goodwill. Mistrust cannot be left only to the law to fix.